Showing posts with label Saddam Hussein. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Saddam Hussein. Show all posts

Thursday, March 13, 2008

New Study finds No Link between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda

Conspiracy theorists have been saying for years that there was no link between Saddam Hussein's Iraq and al Qaeda; that Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden were antagonists; that Saddam had nothing whatsoever to do with the attacks of 9/11. It may not seem like a big deal, since after all Saddam [seen here in a sandbagged bunker] is now dead, and the attacks of 9/11 happened a long time ago. But these assertions are at odds with statements made repeatedly by the president, the vice president, many other White House officials, and other supporters of the ongoing war in Iraq.

As you may recall, two main reasons were given to "justify" the American invasion and subsequent occupation of a defenseless oil-rich country. One of them was an alleged tie between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden, possibly evidenced by a purported meeting between an Iraqi intelligence official and the putative lead 9/11 hijacker, Mohammed Atta.

The other reason, of course, was Saddam's alleged weapons of mass destruction. The president, in one of his most delightful moments of levity, has admitted that this claim was only a joke.

And now the claim of a link between Saddam and al Qaeda, long challenged by opponents of the war, has been thoroughly debunked in a comprehensive study made by -- no! not another conspiracy theorist! -- the Institute for Defense Analyses, under contract with the Pentagon itself.

We weren't supposed to see the report. We weren't even supposed to see the press release announcing the release of the report. Well, guess what?

ABC News (of Australia) carried this story from AFP:

No link between Saddam and Al Qaeda: Pentagon
A detailed Pentagon study confirms there was no direct link between Iraqi ex-leader Saddam Hussein and the Al Qaeda network, debunking a claim US President George W Bush's administration used to justify invading Iraq.

The US administration tried to bury the release of the study, limiting distribution of the report and making it available only at individual request and by mail - instead of posting it on the internet or handing it out to reporters.
Indeed. But that lame attempt failed dismally -- and here's the report, a 94-page PDF, courtesy of ABC (US) News via TPM via Gandhi!

The AFP report from Australia continues:
Coming five years after the start of the war in Iraq, the study of 600,000 official Iraqi documents and thousands of hours of interrogations of former Saddam Hussein colleagues "found no smoking gun between Saddam's Iraq and Al Qaeda," said the study, quoted in US media.

Other reports by the blue-ribbon September 11 commission and the Pentagon's inspector general in 2007 reached the same conclusion but none had access to as much information.

"The Iraqi Perspective Project review of captured Iraqi documents uncovered strong evidence that links the regime of Saddam Hussein to regional and global terrorism" and "state terrorism became a routine tool of state power" but "the predominant target of Iraqi state terror operations were Iraqi citizens," said a summary of the Pentagon study.

Mr Bush, US Vice President Dick Cheney and top aides have insisted there were links between Saddam and Al Qaeda, citing the alleged ties as a rationale for going to war in Iraq.

"The reason I keep insisting that there was a relationship between Iraq and Saddam and Al Qaeda is because there was a relationship between Iraq and Al Qaeda," Mr Bush said in June 2004.
Can we talk about impeachment now? Can we talk about war crimes and crimes against humanity? How about some justice? How about some restitution?? How about some punishment????

Oh no! It's not possible, because we live in a democracy and we have a choice: We can have John McCain and troops in Iraq for another hundred years; or we can have Hillary Clinton and troops in Iraq forever; or we can have Barack Obama and be very very nice to everyone you meet and hope it will all work out fine in the end.

Saturday, January 26, 2008

Why Saddam Hussein Didn't Use His WMD

In the spring of 2003, shortly after the United States had invaded Iraq, a couple of my friends asked me, "Why hasn't Saddam Hussein used his weapons?"

"What weapons?" I would ask.

"His weapons of mass destruction," they would say. Haven't you heard about Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction?"

"Saddam doesn't have any weapons of mass destruction," I would say. "That's why Hans Blix couldn't find them."

"Sure he does," they would counter, "or else we wouldn't have invaded. But why hasn't he used them?"

60 Minutes finally gets an answer to that question and it comes from the FBI agent who interrogated Saddam: He didn't know we were coming.

That's right! Everybody in the entire world who could read or watch TV or listen to the radio knew we were coming. Everybody but Saddam Hussein.

It's lucky for us that we keep getting into wars with backward countries whose leaders have no point of contact with reality. Otherwise we might get bogged down and lose momentum in our glorious quest to bring democracy to the world.

Friday, October 26, 2007

Condoleeza Rice Explains Why We're Fighting In Iraq

The war in Iraq has dragged on for so long, and the reasons for fighting there have changed so many times, that it has become difficult and somewhat boring to keep up with the shifting justifications.

Some people think we're there for the oil. Some think we're trying to make sure the terrorists don't hit us again, just like they did on September 11, 2001, only worse. Some think we're there to change the regime of Saddam Hussein. Some think it was just a big mistake and we would withdraw if we could.

But according to Condoleeza Rice,
We are fighting to help the Iraqis to develop a democratic government that can provide for its people.
So ...

that's why we set up the death squads ...

and that's why we use so much depleted uranium ...

and that's why we bomb civilians in residential neighborhoods ...

... to help the Iraqis develop a democratic government!

We should have known it all along; in fact, we are uniquely qualified to do this, since we have a formerly democratic government that doesn't give a damn about providing for its people.

I just thought you might like to know that.

Friday, June 1, 2007

A Great Music Video: '16 Words' By Margo Guryan

This video is too funny, and too sad, all at the same time.



So ... what to you do? First you laugh. Then you cry. Then you get angry enough to do something.

Wednesday, April 25, 2007

Truth Is Scarcely Visible As Eland Rips Chertoff Rips Brzezinski

At Robert Parry's Consortium News, guest columnist Ivan Eland plants both feet firmly in the world of fantasy with respect to the events of 9/11, yet still manages to tell a few vital truths when he calls BS on the Bush administration -- specifically Michael Chertoff -- for Exaggerating al-Qaeda's Threat.
Michael Chertoff, President Bush’s secretary of Homeland Security, desperately tried to refute Zbigniew Brzezinski’s cogent charge that the administration has hyped the “war on terror” to promote a “culture of fear,” in a recent Washington Post op-ed.
The op-ed was called "Make No Mistake: This Is War" and it was published on Sunday. Why Ivan Eland declines to link to it is beyond me.

Brzezinski's column was called "Terrorized by 'War on Terror'" and I understand completely why Chertoff declined to link to it.

Eland continues:
In addition to shamefully smearing Brzezinski, Jimmy Carter’s former National Security Advisor, by associating him with the fringe opinion that the administration plotted the 9/11 terrorist acts, Chertoff also declared, “Al-Qaeda and its ilk have a world vision that is comparable to that of historical totalitarian ideologues but adapted to the 21st–century global network.”
Chertoff's "smearing" of Brzezinski, if indeed that's what it was, is very subtle:
Since Sept. 11, a conspiracy-minded fringe has claimed that American officials plotted the destruction. But when scholars such as Zbigniew Brzezinski accuse our leaders of falsely depicting or hyping a "war on terror" to promote a "culture of fear," it's clear that historical revisionism has gone mainstream.
This false denial from Chertoff may have been required, but that doesn't make it any less ridiculous. It is painfully obvious that our "leaders" have indeed falsely depicted and hyped a "war on terror", and Mr. Chertoff -- one of the guiltiest parties in this regard -- knows as much.

This is the same Michael Chertoff who proclaimed that the alleged "Liquid Bomb" plot -- which was supposedly foiled in the UK last August -- was designed to destroy 10 or 12 airplanes and kill hundreds of thousands of people in the process, as if each airplane could carry tens of thousands of passengers.

But Michael Chertoff "smears" Brzezinski only by referring to him in the same paragraph as what he calls the "conspiracy-minded fringe".

Ivan Eland is much less subtle, levelling a much more blatant smear against those who recognize 9/11 for what it was, and who -- unlike Ivan Eland (and unlike Robert Parry, for that matter) -- have the courage to say so. (Parry, once among the most fearless of journalists, won't talk about election fraud, either. So it goes.)

On the other hand, Eland is right when he says that Chertoff's
rhetoric makes it seem as if al-Qaeda is more dangerous than Adolf Hitler or Joseph Stalin. When comparisons are made to these villainous titans, we should be suspicious.
After his insane pronouncements last August, we should be suspicious whenever Michael Chertoff says anything!
The same kinds of comparisons have been used before. When Bill Clinton wanted to bomb Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia and Saddam Hussein in Iraq, he compared both leaders to Hitler. In the lead up to the invasion of Iraq, President George W. Bush also used the same comparison.

Yet, the small countries of Serbia and Iraq, as well as the rag-tag group al-Qaeda, have nowhere near the resources of a Nazi Germany and have not tried to completely overrun an important and wealthy continent.
Yes, it's all perfectly true and it's also perfectly obvious. Somewhat less obvious -- but still visible -- is al-Q'aeda's role as an instrument of western intelligence services. But Ivan Eland doesn't seem to know -- or care -- about that.

And he doesn't really have to, because his target -- Chertoff -- can be demolished with virtually no ammunition whatsoever.
Chertoff’s overheated rhetoric doesn’t stop there. He adds yet another implicit comparison -- to communism. He opined, “Today’s extreme Islamist groups such as al-Qaeda do not merely seek political revolution in their own countries. They aspire to dominate all countries. Their goal is a totalitarian, theocratic empire to be achieved by waging perpetual war on soldiers and civilians alike.”

Here the implicit comparison is to the universal communist movement, which tried to spread its revolution around the world.
Maybe in some fifty-year-old dream, the implicit comparison is to the "universal communist movement", a movement which, by the way, never existed but which was nonetheless hyped and falsely depicted for decades.

Eland misses the more obvious comparison: to the modern-day United States, the one force in the world which is -- even as we speak -- waging a self-proclaimed endless, limitless war against the rest of the world.

This endless war doesn't really have much to do with terrorism, and that fact is becoming clearer by the day. It does have a lot to do with oil, though.

Does Ivan Eland mention oil? Does Chertoff mention oil? Does Brzezinski mention oil? Or are we looking at a trilogy of more-or-less total lies?

Here's a hint. Eland continues:
Although Osama bin Laden does try to kill both soldiers and civilians -- and is justifiably deemed a vicious terrorist -- his real objective is not to dominate “all countries” by fomenting an Islamist revolution. If bin Laden had this as a genuine goal, it would be laughable to think that he could get any significant public support in Jewish, Christian, Buddhist, or Hindu countries for a revolution to convert them to draconian Islamic rule.
No kidding. It seems ridiculous when phrased that way.

But on a more pragmatic level, it is equally ridiculous to base anything on what Osama bin Laden says, considering that it's been more than five years since he's said anything! We might as well base our notion of bank security on the pronouncements of Bonnie and Clyde.
In fact, his officially stated goal of recreating a caliphate that would put all of the diverse Islamic countries under one ruler is preposterous enough on its own. Even Chertoff admits that the Islamist extremists’ intent is “grandiose.” Should bin Laden ever create such a caliphate, it would not have the economic or military power of Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union.
Should bin Laden ever create such a caliphate, it would be one of the most amazing feats ever achieved -- because everybody knows dead men don't create caliphates.
Chertoff himself acknowledges that his own comparison is weak: “To be sure, as Brzezinski observes, the geographic reach of this network does not put them [sic] in the same group as the Nazis or Stalinists when they achieved first-class military power.”

Despite bin Laden’s inflated rhetoric, his real aims -- which are also supported by many mainstream Muslims -- are to remove a non-Muslim military presence from Islamic lands and compel the United States to stop supporting what bin Laden sees as corrupt regimes in the Middle East.
These may have been his real aims when he was alive. On the other hand, he may have been nothing but a figurehead -- a CIA asset through and through. His main job may have been to do and say things which would give the folks like Michael Chertoff ammunition.
Most mainstream Muslims, however, reject bin Laden’s despicable means of targeting civilians to achieve his goals.

Non-Muslim intervention in and occupation of Muslim lands has driven Islamist violence in Chechnya, Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan (during both the Soviet and current U.S. occupations), and Lebanon (during Israeli invasions and the U.S. nation-building mission during the Reagan administration). The U.S. military presence in the Persian Gulf initially motivated bin Laden to strike U.S. targets, eventually resulting in the horror of 9/11.
Supposedly.

Personally I find it very disturbing that a supposedly dissident journalist would continue to parrot the official government line in the face of the facts that the government has been demonstrably lying about virtually everything, virtually all the time, and that even now -- five and a half years after the attacks -- we still have not seen any credible evidence linking Osama bin Laden to those attacks.

We've seen much more credible evidence to support the contention that al-Q'aeda doesn't even exist!

The amount of incredible evidence we have seen makes the situation much worse.

But Ivan Eland is blissfully unconcerned with any of that; he's more interested in the blowback theory.
The 9/11 attacks were treacherous acts of terrorism, but Chertoff and the Bush administration, the U.S. foreign policy establishment, and the American media act as if they were the beginning of history. Only in religion and quantum physics are there events without cause.
Clearly Chertoff and the Bush administration are interested in deception -- they've virtually made it a religion. So why on Earth should we pay them any more heed?

On the other hand, Ivan Eland is right when he says that
Most Americans are unaware of their government’s history of unnecessary and profligate meddling in the affairs of countries throughout the Middle East. For their own safety and security, Americans cannot continue to ignore that the Islamist venom resulting in 9/11 was rooted in this U.S. interventionist and quasi-imperial foreign policy.
Certainly it would be a step forward to acknowledge the roots if Islamic and Arabic venom. But to claim without a shred of evidence that it resulted in 9/11 is extremely irresponsible.

It's nothing like the sort of reporting readers of Consortium News once enjoyed. But apparently it's all we're ever going to get.

Fortunately, in this case where the target is an outrageous pack of transparent lies, it's almost good enough.
Instead of perpetuating the myth that the United States is at war with “fanatics” who have a reflexive hatred of America, the nation’s homeland security chief could better spend his time examining the real motivator for such terrorism—U.S. foreign policy—and recommending a policy of military restraint in the Middle East to reduce the chances of terrorist attacks at home.

If there is any doubt that this strategy would work, the case of Lebanon during the early 1980s should be examined. After the bombing of the Marine barracks and Ronald Reagan’s withdrawal of U.S. forces from that country, the number of anti–U.S. attacks by the Islamist group Hezbollah plummeted.
This is a great point! Finally. I knew there would be one, eventually. Or at least I suspected as much.
But perhaps creating a “culture of fear,” as Brzezinski put it, is more politically useful to the Bush administration than actually carrying out what should be the first and foremost responsibility of any government—the protection of its people.
Nobody in his right mind could argue this point -- or the previous one, for that matter. Creating a culture of fear has been tremendously useful to the Bush administration. There's no "perhaps" about it.

Without the culture of fear which this administration has created, they would have all been executed for treason a long time ago.

But all Ivan Eland can bring himself to say about this is "perhaps".

What are they afraid of? Why can't Ivan Eland and Bob Parry bring themselves to state the obvious truths of the matter? It's not as if they are in danger of losing a paying gig. They are essentially only blogging already.

And given that context, it's a shameful display, in this frozen writer's opinion. But it is also sufficient.

Despite missing the point -- over and over and over -- Eland still manages to shred Chertoff's position, and this to my mind is the clearest possible evidence that Chertoff is lying.

I mean, if you can be taken apart quite easily, by somebody who hasn't a clue ...

Wednesday, April 18, 2007

'So Many Wrongs To Right': Helen Thomas At McDaniel College

Helen Thomas got right to the point in her address at McDaniel College in Westminister, MD, last week, as you can see in this video:



William Hughes reported on the event for Media Monitors Network. Excerpts from his report follow:
“How primitive can you get to start a new century with a war--a war of choice? We have a President [George W. Bush Jr.] who decided to attack a country that did nothing to us. I say: ‘Cry the beloved country!’ So, we have so many wrongs to right before our country gets back its honor. Hopefully, the American people will not accept this President’s primitive drive for war without end. What can he be thinking? More than that: Why do Americans tolerate such a dumbing down of our country? The American people will soon say: Enough is enough! It is wrong to ask the ultimate sacrifice of friend and foe without a good reason--an acceptable reason. We have yet to hear the real reason why we went into Iraq. I say: Truth took a holiday!”
...

“President Bush struck a match across the Middle East, which is always known as a tinder box. He invaded Iraq under false pretenses. We now occupy that destroyed country and we’re warning them if they don’t shape up and do what we tell them to do, we might just pick up our marbles and go home. They should be so lucky. Who are we? What have we become? Whose war is this? Thousands are dead, thousands are wounded. And to this day, we can’t get a straight answer on why we attacked a Third World country. We had a choke hold on Saddam Hussein. He couldn’t make a move. We had the tightest economic sanctions, satellite surveillance. We were bombing Iraq, every other night in the ‘No-Fly’ zone--so-called. Now, we have had four years of this.”
...

“We know that terrorism has to be fought,” Ms. Thomas said. “We are the target. But, first we have to find out: What is terrorism? What causes it? Is it politics? Religion? Is it our foreign policy that has compelled this hostility against our country? It never existed before. We are no longer the most admired country, one to be emulated in the world. This is the time to begin thinking about peaceful solutions to set our world right again...You cannot shoot people in their own country to liberate them... As you can tell, I’m against the invasion and occupation of Iraq because it is illegal, immoral and unconscionable to wage a war against a country that did nothing to us. The war is in its fifth year, now, and the killing still goes on. I’m sorry to be such a downer. But, it is your world we are talking about. No man is an island.”

“We have a President more and more ‘isolated’ and ‘speaking of victory in Iraq.’ He has two years to go and he has a right to worry about his legacy...There is no other place to go, so one should always want to try to do the right thing. But, time is running out...The President is ignoring the will of the people to cut our losses. They are keeping up the charade at the White House that we were ‘invited’ into Iraq. I remember asking Ari Fleischer, Bush’s former White House press secretary: “If they asked us to leave, would we leave?”

Ms. Thomas emphasized: “There is no question that ‘9/11’ has brought on a dramatic change in our country. For alleged security, we seem willing to forego our privacy and our great sense of justice. We have allowed ourselves to go to war based on untruths. No WMD. No ties to the al-Qaeda terrorist network. No threat from a Third World country. We have permitted ourselves to be wiretapped, our e-mails pried into, our mail opened. We have tolerated torture of suspects and prisoners at Abu Ghraib, and at other prisons in Iraq and Guantanamo Bay, where human beings are humiliated. Surely, that is not worthy of a great country. We’ve allowed Congress to take away the ancient right of Habeas Corpus, which goes back to Magna Carta...We pickup people with dark skin. We imprison them. We never charge them or try them. We keep them in limbo and send them to secret prisons to be tortured and interrogated. Is that America?”
...

“We are spending our national treasury on war, while 48 million people in this country have no health insurance. Children go to school with no breakfast. Schools are falling down. Government programs to alleviate the suffering are being cut. And yet the biggest tax cuts go to ‘the richest people’ in our country. Surely, something is wrong with this picture.”
As a matter of fact, many things are wrong with this picture. And if we ever begin to put it right, we will owe no small debt of gratitude to Helen Thomas, who remained a journalist while most of the people around her were becoming stenographers.

The War On Terror Looks Like A Fraud Because It Is One!

John Gleeson of the Winnipeg Sun hit the nail pretty close to the head on Friday when he wrote:

War on Terror looks like a Fraud
Contrary to the "patriots" who try to use the deaths of our soldiers in Afghanistan to stifle debate on Canada's involvement in the War on Terror, I would say that as new evidence presents itself, we would indeed be cowards to ignore it simply because we've lost troops in the field and are therefore blindly committed to the mission.
The word in quotes refers to Canadian "patriots" here but he is quite right about taking in new evidence as it presents itself. And the same logic applies, of course, to any country in which the rising number of military deaths is used to stifle debate on public policy.
And new evidence is piling up around us, arguably strong enough to declare the whole War on Terror an undeniable fraud.
A blogger might make the same point more strongly, especially if (for example) said blogger didn't have any advertisers to think of. And this cold blogger has been saying essentially the same thing, in many different ways, for quite a while.

In other words, the evidence that seems to be piling up around us at the moment only supplements evidence that was visible a long time ago. This in no way minimizes John Gleeson's piece, which focuses on black gold, Baghdad Tea:
Virtually ignored by mainstream media, the Americans showed their hand this year with the new Iraqi oil law, now making its way through Iraq's parliament.
Indeed! It's been a big story on some of our favorite blogs, but hardly a word from the mainstream media. In this cold blogger's opinion, it was brave and commendable of John Gleeson to buck that trend...
The law -- which tens of thousands of Iraqis marched peacefully against on Monday when they called for the immediate expulsion of U.S. forces -- would transfer control of one of the largest oil reserves on the planet from Baghdad to Big Oil, delivering "the prize" at last that Vice-President Dick Cheney famously talked about in 1999 when he was CEO of Halliburton.
... and to mention Cheney and Halliburton, the most famous if not the most amply compensated modern American war-profiteers!
"The key point of the law," wrote Mother Jones' Washington correspondent James Ridgeway on March 1, "is that Iraq's immense oil wealth (115 billion barrels of proven reserves, third in the world after Saudi Arabia and Iran) will be under the iron rule of a fuzzy 'Federal Oil and Gas Council' boasting 'a panel of oil experts from inside and outside Iraq.' That is, nothing less than predominantly U.S. Big Oil executives.

"The law represents no less than institutionalized raping and pillaging of Iraq's oil wealth. It represents the death knell of nationalized Iraqi resources, now replaced by production sharing agreements, which translate into savage privatization and monster profit rates of up to 75% for (basically U.S.) Big Oil. Sixty-five of Iraq's roughly 80 oilfields already known will be offered for Big Oil to exploit."
Yes, and even worse, as I understand it: the monster profit rates of 75% will come into effect only after the big oil companies have been sufficiently "compensated" for their capital investment in Iraq. Prior to that point, which will apparently be determined by the oil companies themselves, their share of the profits will be much higher than 75%.
While the U.S. argues that the oil deal will give Iraqis their shot at "freedom and stability," the International Committee of the Red Cross reported this week that millions of Iraqis are in a "disastrous" situation that continues to deteriorate, with "mothers appealing for someone to pick up the bodies littering the street so their children will be spared the horror of looking at them on their way to school."
That's only one indication among many.

Some observers might look to the Luis Posada Carriles case and draw the conclusion that this War is very selective about what sort of Terror it fights.

As for Iraq, to those of us who have been watching closely, it has always been clear that the US invasion was never intended to bring that country "freedom and stability".

And that's why Evelyn Pringle writes:
In November 2002, Stephen Hadley, deputy national security advisor at the time, called Lockheed employee, Bruce Jackson, to a meeting at the White House and told him that the US was definitely going to war in Iraq but there was one small hitch, the administration could not decide what reason to use to justify it.

So Jackson formed the "Committee for the Liberation of Iraq," and its mission statement said it was "formed to promote regional peace, political freedom and international security by replacing the Saddam Hussein regime with a democratic government that respects the rights of the Iraqi people and ceases to threaten the community of nations."
Listen! Do you want to know a secret? If freedom and stability were really on the agenda, the Pentagon would have nixed the use of depleted uranium, and that's just for starters.

Here's John Gleeson again:
Four years after the invasion, it's becoming pretty clear that Iraq has been "pacified" solely for the purpose of economic aggression. Humanitarian considerations are moot. The awful plight of Iraq's one million Christians, who have no place in the new Iraq, underscores this ugly truth.
Quite so. It's not only the Iraqi Christians, although they may strike a responsive chord in the mind of the North American reader. The humanitarian crisis is upon all of Iraq -- indeed all of the Middle East -- not just the Christians. And humanitarian considerations are indeed moot.

So, by the way, is all talk of American withdrawal in the near- or medium- or long-term future.
Afghanistan, meanwhile, has given the U.S. a strategic military beachhead in Central Asia (which "American primacy" advocates called for in the '90s) and it was quietly reported in November that plans are being accelerated for a $3.3-billion natural gas pipeline "to help Afghanistan become an energy bridge in the region."
So perhaps it wasn't so loony after all to wonder if Afghanistan wasn't about the gas pipeline all along, rather than the shadowy figure of Osama bin Laden, who has never been seriously threatened, let alone captured, and who isn't even listed as a 9/11 suspect by the FBI.
With many Americans (including academics and former top U.S. government officials) now questioning even the physical facts of 9/11 and seriously disputing the "militant Islam" spin, with the media more brain-dead than it's been in our lifetimes, now is not the time for jingoism and blind faith in the likes of Cheney, George W. Bush and Robert Gates.
Quite true. And it's nice Mr. Gleeson to notice. If only more American journalists would do the same.
Our young men are worth more than that -- aren't they, Mr. Harper?
Well of course they are. They're worth at least that, and Steven Harper knows it. But his allegiance to his pseudo-conservative enablers may be stronger than the ties that arise from the worth of humanity, unfortunately.

On the other hand, what a column!

You don't often see such sentiments expressed so bluntly in mainstream North American media. Granted it's Canadian media, but it's certainly not a crunchy-granola bleeding-heart left-wing paper.

More to the point, John Gleeson is absolutely right. It's refreshing to see so much truth in any newspaper, let alone the Sun.

I've been saying ever since I started blogging that the war on terror is bogus, and that this conclusion can be reached in all manner of ways. John Gleeson mentions 9/11, the oil law in Iraq and the pipeline through Afghanistan. But here's another way to see the same thing:

The Pentagon has sent out memos saying their main priority is now to win the war on terror by October of 2008 -- just in time for the next presidential election. Not just the war in Iraq, mind you. The word has gone out: wrap up the entire Global War on Terror.

This was a war that was supposed to last for generations. And it's not as if we've shown any signs of "winning". To be blunt about it, we haven't even shown any sign of understanding what "winning" means, let alone what it takes to "win".

If this is a war that can be started and stopped at the pleasure of the President, or the Pentagon, just in time for an election -- or even if the people running it see it that way -- then it's clearly a cynical ploy, not worthy of financial sacrifice, let alone the sacrifice of young men and women. Not to speak of the destruction of foreign countries and innocent victims numbering in the millions.

If this were a real war, there would be no way to know when it would end. Or how.

And as we noted yesterday, our so-called most important European allies in the so-called war on so-called terror seem to understand at least some of this, and they now refuse to call it what our so-called president insists on calling it.

They're not calling it "Grand Theft Oil", as this nearly frozen blogger might sometimes do, but then again we don't have to worry about offending any sponsors here.

All sarcasm aside, it's slightly encouraging to see the "War on Terror" being rejected by such an important ally, even if they're only rejecting the phrase and not the war. Maybe speaking the truth is going to become slightly less unfashionable, at least for a little while.

And if that's the case, it could be that John Gleeson is not only absolutely right but also slightly ahead of the curve ... even if the curve has taken its sweet time getting here.

Friday, March 23, 2007

Bush Hates America: Iraqi Weapons Caches Are Still Open!

Here's some horrifying and unsurprising news, from Agence France-Presse, via Raw Story (with emphasis added):

Unguarded munition sites still feed Iraq violence: report
As of October 2006 US forces had still not secured all of the unguarded munition sites in Iraq, allowing thieves to keep stealing war material and stoke the country's violence, a US government report said Thursday.

The Government Accountability Office said that not enough soldiers were available to take control of massive arms dumps across Iraq after the March 2003 invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein.
All this time and not a single head!

They've left these arms caches open for all this time, while insurgents kept stealing whatever they needed to kill more and more people -- American troops as well as civilians -- and not a single head has rolled over this scandal!

Amazing! Or is it?
"Not securing these conventional munitions storage site has been costly, as government reports indicated that looted munitions are being used to make improvised explosive devices (IED) that have killed or maimed many people, and will likely continue to support terrorist attacks in the region," the GAO report summary reads.

"Conventional munitions storage sites were looted after major combat operations and some remained vulnerable as of October 2006."
Please notice that nobody's saying the sites are secured now; they're only saying October 2006 was the limit of their research. Most of the sites are probably still open!

But let's not worry about that; it's time for some spin from the Pentagon:
"The widespread looting occurred because DOD (the Department of Defense) had insufficient troop levels to secure conventional munitions storage sites," it said, citing war reports and defense officials.
Well of course! They always blame everything on insufficient troop levels! But on the other hand,
"DOD does not appear to have conducted a theaterwide survey and assessment of the current risk unsecured conventional munitions represent to US forces and others."
... which raises the question: Why would the DOD not even bother to look into it? ... unless they just don't care ... or unless ... maybe ... just maybe ... this is the way they wanted it!

Thursday, March 8, 2007

Surge In Iraq May Last Longer Than Originally Announced

According to David S. Cloud and Michael R. Gordon in the International Herald Tribune, Additional U.S. troops in Iraq may need to stay until 2008

... or beyond ...
The day-to-day commander of American forces in Iraq has recommended that the heightened American troop levels in Iraq be extended through February 2008, military officials said.
That's what they are saying now. Watch what they say in February of 2008.
The confidential recommendation by the commander, Lieutenant General Raymond Odierno, reflects the military's new counterinsurgency doctrine, which puts a premium on sustained efforts to win over a wary population.
"Sustained?" Sustained all the way till almost a year from now? Such wordplay would make me laugh were it not so tragic. But there's nothing funny about this bloody extension of a monstrous war crime.
The last of the five additional combat brigades being sent to Iraq as part of what the White House calls a surge of force will not arrive and begin operations in Iraq until June.

The current schedule calls for American troop numbers in Iraq to begin declining by September unless additional units are sent and more are held over.
So let's get this straight. The troops of the surge won't all get there until June -- this is the slowest surge in history -- and our military's new counterinsurgency doctrine puts a premium on sustained efforts, so the slowest of the surge troops may have to sustain their efforts for a whole eight months!

... IF we can swing it:
Any extension of the troop buildup would add to the strain on army and marine forces that are already stressed from years of continuous deployments, and would leave fewer troops available to respond to unanticipated crises.
...
If the Bush administration did decide to extend the troop increase, the pressures on the army would become particularly acute in November, when several army combat brigades are scheduled to leave Iraq.

Decisions must be made soon, army officials say, to identify potential replacement units or extensions.

A Pentagon official said that if the surge was extended, the army would be forced by the end of the year to send back to Iraq units that have spent less than one year at home...
So there's the rub. Or one of 'em, anyway.

The big problem, of course, is that we don't belong in Iraq in the first place. Iraq had never attacked us; it never even posed a significant threat. The Iraqi people lived under a brutal dictator -- but so what? People in countries all over the world live under brutal dictators. Is the proper role of the United States to invade all these countries and overthrow their brutal dictators? Of course not. The irony alone would be insupportable, because so many of these brutal dictators are currently in power -- as was Saddam Hussein -- thanks to overt and/or clandestine support from the United States.

But as a propaganda ploy, the surge may be the best idea yet. Rather than talking about how the administration deliberately fabricated the "intelligence" and other lies it felt were necessary to start this war; rather than talking about the hundreds of millions of dollars that have been spent trying to sell these lies to the American people; rather than talking about the thousands of dead American troops and the hundreds of thousands of dead Iraqi civilians who would be alive today if not for the unprovoked invasion and the illegal occupation that followed; rather than talking about who set up the sectarian death squads that now range freely in Iraq, death squads established in a deliberate attempt to destabilize Iraqi society; rather than talking about the tens of thousands of innocent people who have been arrested, tortured, and in many cases killed -- since we supposedly rid Iraq of its brutal torturers; rather than talking about the long-term effects of depleted uranium, the Pentagon's favorite munition, which just happens to cause cancer and birth defects; rather than talking about the trillions of dollars worth of oil that lie under Iraq's hot, dry, and now radioactive sand, or of the oil law the Americans are trying to force on Iraq, which would give control of all that oil to the foreign energy companies; rather than talking about the companies that are making the most money from this war, and the people who connect those companies to the policy-making (and war-making) center of the US government; rather than all of this, rather than any of it, in most cases, the debate tends to swirl around questions such as how many additional troops constitute a proper "surge", and how many months a proper surge should last.

What we should be talking about, of course, is how to get the mass murderers out of the White House and into holes in the ground.

Have I mentioned guillotines lately?



They truly do not deserve to be IMPEACHed!

Tuesday, February 6, 2007

Court-Martial Begins For Army Officer Who Refused To Go To Iraq

Yesterday at Fort Lewis, Washington, the Army began its court-martial of First Lt. Ehren Watada, who has refused deployment to Iraq because he believes the war is illegal.

To those who have been following along during the past five or six years, the assertion that "the war in Iraq is illegal" seems completely obvious. And, possibly because the Army cannot dispute the contention, an Army judge has ruled that Lt. Watada cannot use the illegality of the war as a defense against the charges he faces.

According to William Yardley in the New York Times,
“From what I understand, that under military law those in the military are allowed to refuse — in fact, have the right to refuse unlawful orders — a duty to refuse,” Lieutenant Watada said last month...
It is also my understanding that soldiers do have a duty to refuse illegal orders. And it's very difficult for me to see how any order to participate in an illegal war can be considered a legal order.

So it is completely Orwellian -- and thoroughly unsurprising -- that
the judge, Lt. Col. John Head, reinforced on Monday an earlier ruling that Lieutenant Watada could not base his defense on his contention that the war is illegal.
After all, if the war is illegal, and if you can get out of fighting for that reason, what's to stop hundreds or thousands of soldiers from doing the very same thing Lt. Watada has done?

Therefore the Army will go to any lengths to deny Lt. Watada his due.
On Monday, Army prosecutors and a defense lawyer, Eric Seitz, interviewed potential jurors drawn from a pool of officers on this post. Under questioning, several officers said it was “odd” that Lieutenant Watada refused to go because, as one put it, officers “should support our leadership and our tent command.”
Wrong again! His duty is to support our Constitution. He has no duty to support "our leadership" if they are engaged in illegal activities.

At Nuremburg, in the War Crimes trial which followed the second World War, some German soldiers attempted to justify their actions on the grounds that they were "just following orders", but this line of defense was not accepted. According to the tribunal which tried the Nazis, their orders were illegal, so it was their duty to refuse them.

Wikipedia's article about the Nuremburg Principles makes this very clear:
Principle I
Any person who commits an act which constitutes a crime under international law is responsible therefor and liable to punishment.
...
Principle IV
The fact that a person acted pursuant to order of his Government or of a superior does not relieve him from responsibility under international law, provided a moral choice was in fact possible to him.
The wording is very clear indeed, and a dozen high-ranking Nazis were hanged for contravening them.

But now, in the Watada court-martial, an American soldier is being told his first duty is to obey orders, and that his opinion as to whether or not they are legal is of no concern.

But ... is it really just his opinion? Or is the war really illegal?

In a piece for yesterday's Guardian, Colonel Tim Collins, former commander of the Royal Irish Regiment in Iraq, wrote:
The legal case against the war is unproven conjecture
which shows what he knows about it. The architects of this war knew it was illegal, and at least one of them actually said so in public in November of 2003:
International lawyers and anti-war campaigners reacted with astonishment yesterday after the influential Pentagon hawk Richard Perle conceded that the invasion of Iraq had been illegal.

In a startling break with the official White House and Downing Street lines, Mr Perle told an audience in London: "I think in this case international law stood in the way of doing the right thing."
...
Mr Perle, a key member of the defence policy board, which advises the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, said that "international law ... would have required us to leave Saddam Hussein alone", and this would have been morally unacceptable.
So that much, at least, is clear. But why let the truth stand in the way of a good story? Colonel Collins continues:
By submitting to military law, you surrender your citizen rights for the order and discipline of the military. [...] The odd prima donna believes that what they think matters more than duty. In service life, it does not. There is a clear option to resign.
According to William Yardley in the NYT,
Lieutenant Watada, of Honolulu, asked to go to Afghanistan instead of Iraq but he was denied. He also tried to resign but was denied.
So much for those options. Not very attractive options, either.

Oh, by the way: the war in Afghanistan is illegal, too.

But who's counting?

~~~

Supporters of Lt. Watada may be found at the following sites:

thankyoult.org

couragetoresist.org

wartribunal.org

(Thanks to Mike Barber of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer for these links.)

Saturday, February 3, 2007

New NIE Exposes Lies And Hides Truths, But May Show 'The New Way Forward'

The long-awaited National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq has finally been partially declassified, and there are lots of reasons why it's safe to call it a remarkable document.

As Larisa Alexandrovna points out in an excellent piece, it flat-out slam-dunks one of the so-called president's most favored lies:
As expected, the consensus among all 16 intelligence agencies debunks the latest White House talking point (something along the lines of "Iran is leading the insurgency in Iraq" or a variation of that):
Iraq’s neighbors influence, and are influenced by, events within Iraq, but the involvement of these outside actors is not likely to be a major driver of violence or the prospects for stability because of the self-sustaining character of Iraq’s internal sectarian dynamics.

Nonetheless, Iranian lethal support for select groups of Iraqi Shia militants clearly intensifies the conflict in Iraq. Syria continues to provide safehaven for expatriate Iraqi Bathists and to take less than adequate measures to stop the flow of foreign jihadists into Iraq. (Emphasis in the original NIE)
What this means is that the insurgency is homegrown, sectarian based and that outside players are not the main foot soldiers of the insurgency.
So the next time some wingnut tells you Iran is responsible for the "insurgency" in Iraq (which is actually a national struggle for occupation-removal, at least insofar as it pertains to the Americans there), you'll have plenty of verbal ammo.

You can say: "No, Iran is not leading the insurgency. Iran is just one of many powers filling the power vacuum that the USA created by overthrowing Saddam Hussein and disbanding his army, without being able to provide an acceptable level of security in the country."

If you wish to make your wingnut angry, you may continue: "Rhetoric excluded, the USA has never given any indication that it wished to provide security in Iraq; on the contrary." Then mention that the death squads ripping Iraq apart were established, trained, funded and motivated by the Pentagon. That should be enough for one session.

But when your wingnut returns, you can mention that the NIE leaves out some fairly important information, so it doesn't exactly tell the truth either. Lying by omission is a bit tougher to spot, of course, but we have expert assistance here:
Countries in the region have taken advantage of the civil war that is raging in Iraq by backing a side that is ideologically in line with their own interests. So Iran is backing some Shia groups and Syria is backing some of the Sunni groups.

What the report appears to be missing, however, is any reference to Saudi Arabia and their role in backing some of the Sunni groups, as well as Pakistan, backing anyone with cash to buy weapons.

I find that remarkable. What else I find incredibly disturbing is that there appears to be no discussions of context, for example, that the US is backing Shia groups as well and backing the Shia government now in control of Iraq.
Quite remarkable. Incredibly disturbing indeed. But hardly surprising.
So two US allies and the US itself even, do not appear in the report as providing the same material and financial support to the various groups on the ground in Iraq as Syria and Iran.
I disagree with Larisa a bit here because as far as I can tell, the US is putting far more -- and far more advanced -- killing equipment in Iraq than the Iranians or the Syrians are. So I don't think it's entirely accurate to say they are doing the same thing. But it's a minor quibble. (My emphasis now.)
I would wager that is the part that is still classified. Regardless of all the players, the obvious thing to take away from this is that the White House needs to locate a new talking point. Having failed to prove WMD program in Iran, the administration adopted a new version of reality whereby US soldiers were being killed by Iranians or by Shia supported by Iranians.
Right. And we're seeing this all over the place, to the extent that even a cold blogger couldn't help but notice.
That, however, is a very simplified and distorted view of the situation as we can clearly see. The US is backing Shia who happen to be running death squads against other Shia.
Exactly. And where did the death squads come from? You won't find anything about that in the NIE either, no matter how hard you look.
The Saudis are arming Sunnis and the Syrians are giving them a safehaven. Pakistan is selling weapons and providing other types of support to both sides. Iran, while entering the fight - as it were - is doing what everyone else is doing, taking a side in a sectarian war.
As it were.
Incidentally, Iran and the US appear to be supporting the same side of the fight. Why is that?
Well, that's the big question, isn't it? And if they are supporting the same side, which they appear to be doing, then why are Americans so up in arms about Iraq receiving assistance from Iran?

Because it's not about the assistance at all, is it?

I think it might have more to do with the Iranian Oil Bourse.

In any case, the omissions pointed out by Larisa, and the transparently obvious motive behind them, bode poorly for the future of Iran, needless to say.

And as for the future of Iraq, I couldn't help wondering what to make of this (and again the emphasis is in the original NIE):
A number of identifiable internal security and political triggering events, including sustained mass sectarian killings, assassination of major religious and political leaders, and a complete Sunni defection from the government have the potential to convulse severely Iraq's security environment. Should these events take place, they could spark an abrupt increase in communal and insurgent violence and shift Iraq's trajectory from gradual decline to rapid deterioration and grave humanitarian, political, and security consequences. Three prospective security paths might then emerge:

Chaos Leading to Partition. With a rapid deterioration in the capacity of Iraq's central government to function, security services and other aspects of sovereignty would collapse. Resulting widespread fighting could produce de facto partition, dividing Iraq into three mutually antagonistic parts. Collapse of this magnitude would generate fierce violence for at least several years, ranging well beyond the time frame of this estimate, before settling into a partially stable end-state.

Emergence of a Shia Strongman. Instead of a disintegrating central government producing partition, a security implosion could lead Iraq's potentially most powerful group, the Shia, to assert its latent strength.

Anarchic Fragmentation of Power. The emergence of a checkered pattern of local control would present the greatest potential for instability, mixing extreme ethno-sectarian violence with debilitating intra-group clashes.
When I read this passage I couldn't help but wonder whether it contains the plan for the future of Iraq, I couldn't help but think of Admiral Fallon's statements about how we need a new and different approach and how we may have to lower our expectations, and I couldn't shake the notion that his new and different approach might consist primarily -- if not entirely -- of lowering our expectations.

When Iraq gets a lot worse -- in another twenty minutes or so, perhaps -- one of the three scenarios outlined above might start to look good to certain people, and I don't think it would hurt much to speculate on which one our so-called leaders might prefer.

Clearly we won't see Bush allowing any strongmen to emerge, so which of the other two options is it gonna be?

All things considered, I think we may need to lower our expectations quite considerably.

But what are those expectations? We've always been told that winning is the only option and we must succeed because we cannot afford to be defeated and that's why we have to throw everything we've got (except the children of the elite politicians and their elite supporters) into a generational war against ... what? Against a tactic?

What are our expectations? What makes it worthwhile? How can we tell when we've won?


Liz Cheney's demented drivel in the Washington Post gives no clue; it only begs you to sacrifice (your kids).
No force on Earth -- especially not an army of terrorists and insurgents -- can defeat our soldiers militarily. American troops will win if we show even one-tenth the courage here at home that they show every day on the battlefield. And by the way, you cannot wish failure on our soldiers' mission and claim, at the same time, to be supporting the troops. It just doesn't compute.
...
America deserves better. It's time for everyone -- Republicans and Democrats -- to stop trying to find ways for America to quit. Victory is the only option.
And so on...

But the former professional lesbian, who is now unmarried and pregnant, doesn't tell us what her father would consider success. This is quite possibly because she knows he rode to power on a hypocritical "family values" platform including a very hateful anti-gay plank, and his credibility with the American public is not what it once was.

But it could be for a simpler and better reason: Nobody in her family wants us to know what they really want.

And no big-media journalist is about to ask them, apparently.

So it's up to us, humble bloggers, to ask the important questions, like:

What should our expectations be?

What would make all the sacrifice worthwhile?

And how can we tell when we've won?

What if ... the big oil companies get the oil law signed and sealed, the USA pledges to "defend Iraq" (i.e. commits itself to enforce that law), Halliburton gets billions and billions more in no-bid (and no-deliver) contracts, and Cheney continues to rake in his share of the loot, until he walks away without ever having to answer for his crimes against America, not to mention his crimes against Humanity?

That might be considered a successful outcome for the Cheney family.

But then again it might not. They might also require a nuclear and conventional attack against Iran, a regime change in Syria, a hefty retirement package, and more. But at least we're probably on the right track.

Monday, January 22, 2007

Larisa Calls, IAEA Responds: AP/Reuters Reports About Iran Barring Weapons Inspectors Were ... um ...

I'm trying to run a decent and respectable blog here, so I can't finish the headline.

Larisa Alexandrovna:
Earlier this morning, Reuters (and AP too) news service ran a piece citing one UK government official and an anonymous Iranian source alleging that the IAEA inspectors were were thrown barred out of Iran. Now just to make clear why this is important, Saddam Hussein had allegedly done the same thing according to reports, which was not true.

The IAEA cannot and does not generally issue specific responses when dealing with a country, because the matters are confidential. So I called them to see how solid this story was that Reuters put out. My report is at Raw Story, but here is in part the statement I was given, which is up in full at RS:
"It should be noted however, that there are a sufficient number of inspectors designated for Iran and the IAEA is able to perform its inspection activities in accordance with Iran's Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement."
For them to issue this statement shows how concerned they are about these reports, so concerned, they are willing to go on the record and issue something more than just their standard confidentiality statement. It also shows that the Reuters reporter did not contact the IAEA, inexplicably.

Is this bad reporting or propaganda?
Larisa has a poll going on the question and I think you should visit her blog and respond to it. It's the least we can do to support her efforts, no?

Well, that last bit is just MVHO ... but you're welcome to share it.

PS Larisa links to the Reuters report; the AP report is here.

Monday, January 15, 2007

Good Morning, Baghdad! Two Hangings, One Decapitation Before Breakfast

Public barbarity reached yet another new low this morning -- even for occupied Iraq -- when two of Saddam Hussein's former aides were hanged before dawn in Baghdad, one of them losing his head in the process.

Like John Kerry's dumb joke, the American media have already decided for us -- the hanging was "botched". Reuters are packaging Jonathan Wright's piece from Cairo under the heading:
Botched hanging in Iraq arouses Arab suspicions
and it leads with the "official version":
The botched hanging of Saddam Hussein's half-brother Barzan on Monday aroused Arab suspicions of foul play and malice, deepening the divide between the Iraqi government and Arabs in other countries.

The noose pulled off Barzan al-Tikriti's head as he fell from the gallows, suggesting that the hangman had misjudged the length of rope needed just to break his neck.

Government spokesman Ali Dabbagh said there was no "violation of procedure" in the hanging of Barzan and fellow convict Awad Hamed al-Bander, Saddam's former chief judge, for crimes against humanity over the killings of 148 Shi'ites.
but if you keep reading you can see that the "Arab street" doesn't buy the official version at all.
from Morocco to Yemen, ordinary Arabs cast doubt on the official explanation. Some recalled the chaotic and abusive treatment of Saddam Hussein when he was hanged on December 30.

Zaid al-Boudani, a shopkeeper in the Yemeni capital Sanaa, said: "I am very sad today, as many other Muslim Arabs are. This execution is part of the revenge campaign going on in Iraq. The way his head was ripped off shows hatred and revenge."

The president of Morocco's Human Rights Center described the hangings as a barbaric and vengeful act carried out under external pressure, probably from Iran and the United States.

"We had never heard that the head of a hanged person was ripped from his body, only in this case, which mirrors the hatred and violence," said the president, Khaled Charkaoui.
Wright provides more details of Arab reaction later in the article:
Issam Ghazzawi, a Jordanian lawyer who saw Barzan on Friday, said he was convinced the decapitation was deliberate.

"His head was cut off after he was hanged to mutilate his body in [...] a barbaric act of revenge that is against any human values and is vigilante justice by a group of thugs," he said.
Qassim Abdul-Zahra of the Associated Press, reporting from Baghdad via the Toronto Star, says reaction inside the occupied country is equally skeptical:
Khalaf al-Olayan, a leader of the main Sunni bloc in parliament, demanded to see any video taken during the execution.

"It is impossible for a person to be decapitated during a hanging," he told Al-Jazeera television. "This shows that they (the government) have mutilated the body and this is a violation of the law."

"We want to see the video that was taken during the execution of the two men in order for them (government) to prove what they are saying," he added.
Qassim Abdul-Zahra adds:
The two men were to have been hanged along with Saddam, but Iraqi authorities decided to execute the former dictator alone on what National Security Adviser Mowaffak al-Rubaie called a "special day."
Oh, yes! Very special, indeed!

And now we have two special days to recall with extreme fondness, as one wave of barbaric carnage follows another. The daily death toll barely warrants a mention:
At least 78 people were reported killed or found dead on Sunday, including 41 bullet-riddled bodies discovered in Baghdad. The U.S. military also said two American soldiers died Sunday from roadside bombs in Baghdad.

Tuesday, January 9, 2007

Echoes of Disaster: Iraq is George Bush's Vietnam

Senator Ted Kennedy introduced legislation today that
requires the President to obtain approval from Congress before he sends even more American soldiers to Iraq. And it prohibits the President from spending taxpayer dollars on such an escalation unless Congress approves it.
He also delivered the following speech (thanks to Kate Phillips at The Caucus: Political Blogging from the New York Times)
I had hoped to speak today about health care and my agenda as Chairman of the Senate’s Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee. I will speak to those concerns on another day soon, but an issue of grave importance requires our immediate action.

President Bush will address the nation tomorrow about his decision to send tens of thousands of additional American troops to the war in Iraq. That war is the overarching issue of our time, and American lives, American values and American honor are all at stake.

If ordered into battle, we know our brave men and women will serve us with pride and valor, just as they have throughout this troubling war. All Americans will support them fully, as will those of us in Congress. We will always support our troops in harm’s way.

It’s a special honor to have here with us today a person who symbolizes that commitment – Brian Hart of Bedford, Massachusetts. His presence reminds us who is being called to sacrifice and service – husbands and wives, fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, friends and neighbors.

Brian Hart’s son John, at the age of 20, gave his life in Iraq in 2003, defending his patrol from ambush. Brian and his wife Alma turned that enormous personal tragedy into a remarkable force for change. He’s worked skillfully and tirelessly ever since to ensure that our soldiers have better equipment to protect them. Today and every day, I salute his patriotism and his own dedicated service to our country – Brian Hart.

As the election in November made clear, the vast majority of Americans oppose the war in Iraq, and an even greater number oppose sending even more troops to Iraq today.

Families like the Harts and all Americans deserve a voice in that profound decision. Our Constitution gives them that right. The President is Commander-in-Chief, but in our democracy he is still accountable to the people. Our system of checks and balances gives Congress – as the elected representatives of the people – a central role in decisions on war and peace.

Today, therefore, I am introducing legislation to reclaim the rightful role of Congress and the people’s right to a full voice in the President’s plan to send more troops to Iraq. My bill will say that no additional troops can be sent and no additional dollars can be spent on such an escalation, unless and until Congress approves the President’s plan.

My proposal is a straightforward exercise of the power granted to Congress by Article I, section 8 of the Constitution. There can be no doubt that the Constitution gives Congress the authority to decide whether to fund military action. And Congress can demand a justification from the President for such action before it appropriates the funds to carry it out.

This bill will give all Americans – from Maine to Florida to California to Alaska and Hawaii – an opportunity to hold the President accountable for his actions. The President’s speech must be the beginning – not the end – of a new national discussion of our policy in Iraq. Congress must have a genuine debate over the wisdom of the President’s plan. Let us hear the arguments for it and against it. Then let us vote on it in the light of day. Let the American people hear – yes or no – where their elected representatives stand on one of the greatest challenges of our time.

Until now, a rubber stamp Republican Congress has refused to hold the White House accountable on Iraq. But the November election has dramatically changed all that. Over the past two years, Democrats reached for their roots as true members of our Party. We listened to the hopes and dreams of everyday Americans. We rejected the politics of fear and division. We embraced a vision of hope and shared purpose. And the American people voted for change.

We campaigned as Democrats in 2006. And we must govern as Democrats in 2007. We have the solemn obligation now to show the American people that we heard their voices. We will stand with them in meeting the extraordinary challenges of our day – not with pale actions, timid gestures, and empty rhetoric, but with bold vision, clear action, and high ideals that match the hopes and dreams of the American people. That is our duty as Democrats and as Americans on the war in Iraq.

The American people sent a clear message in November that we must change course in Iraq and begin to withdraw our troops, not escalate their presence. The way to start is by acting on the President’s new plan. An escalation, whether it is called a surge or any other name, is still an escalation, and I believe it would be an immense new mistake. It would compound the original misguided decision to invade Iraq. We cannot simply speak out against an escalation of troops in Iraq. We must act to prevent it.

Our history makes clear that a new escalation in our forces will not advance our national security. It will not move Iraq toward self-government, and it will needlessly endanger our troops by injecting more of them into the middle of a civil war.

Some will disagree. Listen to this comment from a high-ranking American official: “It became clear that if we were prepared to stay the course, we could help to lay the cornerstone for a diverse and independent [region]. If we faltered, the forces of chaos would smell victory and decades of strife and aggression would stretch endlessly before us. The choice was clear. We would stay the course. And we shall stay the course.”

That is not President Bush speaking. It is President Lyndon Johnson, forty years ago, ordering a hundred thousand more American soldiers to Vietnam.

Here is another quotation. “The big problem is to get territory and to keep it. You can get it today and it will be gone next week. That is the problem. You have to have enough people to clear it and enough people to preserve what you have done.”

That is not President Bush on the need for more forces in Iraq. It is President Johnson in 1966 as he doubled our military presence in Vietnam.

Those comparisons from history resonate painfully in today’s debate on Iraq. In Vietnam, the White House grew increasingly obsessed with victory, and increasingly divorced from the will of the people and any rational policy. The Department of Defense kept assuring us that each new escalation in Vietnam would be the last. Instead, each one led only to the next.

Finally, in 1968, in large part because of the war, Democrats lost the White House. Richard Nixon was elected President after telling the American people that he had a secret plan to end the war. We all know what happened, though. As President, he escalated the war into Cambodia and Laos, and it went on for six more years.

There was no military solution to that war. But we kept trying to find one anyway. In the end, 58,000 Americans died in the search for it.

Echoes of that disaster are all around us today. Iraq is George Bush’s Vietnam.

As with Vietnam, the only rational solution to the crisis is political, not military. Injecting more troops into a civil war is not the answer. Our men and women in uniform cannot force the Iraqi people to reconcile their differences.

The open-ended commitment of our military forces continues to enable the Iraqis to avoid taking responsibility for their own future. Tens of thousands of additional American troops will only make the Iraqis more resentful of America’s occupation. It will also make the Iraqi government even more dependent on America, not less.

General Abizaid made this point plainly when he told the Senate Armed Services Committee last November, “I believe that more American forces prevent the Iraqis from doing more and from taking more responsibility for their own future.”

General Abizaid was unequivocal that increasing our troop commitment is not the answer. He said, “I’ve met with every divisional commander – General Casey, the corps commander, General Dempsey – we all talked together. And I said, ‘in your professional opinion, if we were to bring in more American troops now, does it add considerably to our ability to achieve success in Iraq?’ And they all said no.” That was General Abizaid.

General Casey reiterated this view just two weeks ago. He said, “The longer that U.S. forces continue to bear the main burden of Iraq’s security, it lengthens the time that the government of Iraq has to make the hard decisions about reconciliation and dealing with the militias. They can continue to blame us for all of Iraq’s problems, which are, at base, their problems..”

One of our great military commanders, who actually won a war, former Secretary of State Colin Powell, put it this way last month: “I am not persuaded that another surge of troops into Baghdad for the purpose of suppressing this communitarian violence, this civil war, will work.”

Such an escalation would be a policy of desperation built on denial and fantasy. It is “stay the course” under another name. It will not resolve the Iraq war, but it will exact a fearsome new toll in American lives and further weaken our nation.

For the sake of our men and women in uniform in Iraq, the President should have heeded these generals, not discarded them and gone shopping for advice that matches his own wishful, flawed thinking. Cooking the intelligence is how we got into this war. Ignoring the sound counsel of our military is no way to end it.

The American people are also well aware that the military action authorized by Congress in 2002 was for a very different war than we face today. Our troops are now caught in the crossfire of a civil war – a role that Congress has not approved and that the American people rejected in November.

Many of us felt the authorization to go to war was a grave mistake at the time. I’ve said that my vote against the war in Iraq is the best vote I’ve cast in my 44 years in the United States Senate.

But no matter what any of us thought then, the Iraq War resolution is obviously obsolete today. It authorized a war to destroy weapons of mass destruction. But there were no WMDs to destroy. It authorized a war with Saddam Hussein. But today, Saddam is no more. It authorized a war because Saddam was allied with al Qaeda. But there was no alliance.

The mission of our armed forces today in Iraq bears no resemblance whatever to the mission authorized by Congress. President Bush should not be permitted to escalate the war further, and send an even larger number of our troops into harm’s way, without a clear and specific new authorization from Congress.

In everybody’s reality except the Administration’s, Iraq is now in the middle of a civil war. Sectarian violence is on the rise. Militias continue to commit unspeakable acts of violence and torture. Ethnic cleansing is a fact of daily life. Millions of Iraqis are fleeing the violence and leaving their country.

Can anyone seriously deny that this civil war is radically different from the mission which Congress voted for in 2002? Can anyone justify why even more of our troops should be sent to Iraq in the middle of this civil war?

The President may deny the plain truth. But the truth speaks loudly and tragically. Congress must no longer follow him deeper into the quagmire in Iraq.

I recognize the President’s almost certain determination to persist in his failed course. It appears that he will not listen to the views of Congress or of the American people. It is disappointing that he seems ready – even eager – to reject the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group. Instead of heeding the growing call for genuine change, he has used the time since that report to root out dissent in his own Administration and in our armed forces.

This Congress cannot escape history or its own duty. If we do not learn from the mistakes of the past, we are condemned to repeat them. We must act, and act now, before the President sends more troops to Iraq, or else it will be too late..

The legislation that I will introduce today is brief but essential. It requires the President to obtain approval from Congress before he sends even more American soldiers to Iraq. And it prohibits the President from spending taxpayer dollars on such an escalation unless Congress approves it.

My proposal will not diminish our support for the forces we already have in Iraq. We will continue to do everything we can to make sure they have all the support they truly need. Even more important, we will continue to do all we can to bring them safely home. The best immediate way to support our troops is by refusing to inject more and more of them into the cauldron of a civil war that can be resolved only by the people and government of Iraq.

I will seek a vote on this proposal at the earliest realistic date. I hope that instead of escalation without end and without authorization, the President will follow through on his words last week, when he said, “We now have the opportunity to build a bipartisan consensus” on Iraq. If he truly means those words, he will ask Congress for our approval.

The heavy price of our flawed decisions a generation ago is memorialized on sacred ground not far from here. On a somber walk through the Vietnam Memorial, we are moved by the painful, powerful eloquence of its enduring tribute to the tens of thousands who were lost in that tragic war that America never should have fought. Our fingers can gently trace the names etched into the stark black granite face of the memorial. We wonder what might have been, if America had faced up honestly to its failed decisions before it was too late.

I often pause as well at Section 60 in Arlington National Cemetery. Those from Massachusetts who have fallen in Iraq lie there now in quiet dignity. Each time, I am struck by the heavy price of the war in their young lives cut so sadly short.

The casualties are high. The war is long. The time is late. But as Tennyson said, “Come, my friends. ‘Tis not too late to seek a newer world.”

Those words speak clearly to all of us today. And we are inspired anew to wage this battle by the concluding line of that great poem: “To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.”

Thank you very much.

Monday, January 8, 2007

Simon Jenkins: "Not One Remotely Plausible Game Plan"

Simon Jenkins in the Sunday Times:
This is the week, we are told, when George Bush will announce positively the last military assault on insurgency in Iraq before he finally loses patience and quits. The so-called surge will supposedly correct the mistake of last year’s Operation Together Forward. Without law and order in the capital the physical and political reconstruction of Iraq is impossible. But since that order cannot, after all, be assigned to Iraqi forces, the Americans must throw another 20,000-30,000 troops into the conflict instead.

I have not heard one remotely plausible game plan for the “Battle of the Surge”. Leaks have indicated that commanders on the ground are strongly opposed to giving the enemy yet more targets. Pentagon chiefs are equally opposed to the cost in men and money of a transient boost in control on the ground. American public opinion and Congress are overwhelmingly against the plan, which Chuck Hagel, the Republican senator, calls “Alice in Wonderland”.
...
The conflict in Iraq is beyond metaphor. It is the most dangerous, heart-breaking and hopeless that those who have witnessed recent wars can recall. Certainly the risks taken by soldiers on the ground and the terrifying existence endured by ordinary Iraqis are worse than in anything I have witnessed. Independent reporting is near impossible.
...
The idea that such a hellhole can be policed back to normality with an extra 20,000 US troops is absurd. Such a force (which means barely 7,000 on patrol at any one time) would simply disappear into the dust. The insurgency is anyway now entangled with the conflict between Shi’ite and Sunni, claiming hundreds of lives each week and fought by paramilitaries mostly armed by America in a shambles of unaudited theft and fraud.

The only way in which more foreign troops assert any control at present is by “denying the enemy ground” by laying waste to it. In Basra, Britain’s contribution to order has been to flatten the police station. In Anbar province, US counter-insurgency takes the form of wrecking whole settlements from the air, as in Falluja two years ago. According to a Times correspondent who reached Falluja last week, the city is back in the hands of Sunni militias who intend to rename the hospital after Saddam Hussein. What all Iraqis crave is a local policeman they can trust not to kill them. America and Britain have failed to give them even that assurance.
Jenkins, like Gwynne Dyer, like nearly everybody I've been reading lately, is saying this marks the beginning of the end for USA in Iraq.

His piece is called "One last push and that’s you finished in Iraq, Mr President" and he says things like
before he finally loses patience and quits
I don't get it. It just looks like more of the same to me. I don't see this as an endpoint, or even a turning point. Just a blip along the path.

But we shall see. I hope.

Tuesday, January 2, 2007

Spin-Meisters Rotate The Phony War

TIME Magazine convened a panel of authors for a piece that seems to have a clear ulterior motive -- to "legitimize" The Phony War.

Thomas Ricks (Fiasco), Bob Woodward (State of Denial), Michael Gordon and Lieut. General Bernard Trainor (Cobra II), Ron Suskind (The One Percent Doctrine) and Lawrence Wright (The Looming Tower) spoke with TIME's Steve Koepp and Mark Thompson for something called "The Real War", an "analysis" which is itself far short on reality.

But then it was never intended to be realistic. The subtitle gives away the agenda on the spot:

"What led to so many post-9/11 fumbles? A group of intrepid authors gives us answers"

It wasn't "fumbles", guys. This was it! This is what they wanted to do!!

I think my question is more interesting: Can we find even one among these six distinguished authors who is willing to say so? Hah!

In any event ... Here, for your amusement and/or edification, quotes from the article, remarks from a nearly frozen blogger, and a running scoreboard. (On each question, panelists may earn three points for telling the truth, or lose five for spinning.)
TIME: In hindsight, why did we go to war in Iraq? What do you think the real reasons were?

TRAINOR: After 9/11 the country was in shock, including the President. And he looks at this country — wide-open borders and a free style of life, how do you protect against another catastrophic attack? I think the idea came about that you try to get the archer before he fires the arrow. Better yet, you get the guy who supplies the archer. O.K., that being the case, whom can you operate against? Well, it's not very likely you can do much about North Korea or Iran. But Iraq is an easy target, and if you go against Iraq, you're not only eliminating that guy, but you're also sending a signal to all the troublemakers of the world that you don't mess with Hopalong Cassidy.
This answer from TRAINOR earns a good solid negative five, as we know that Bush had plans to invade Iraq and overthrow Saddam Hussein even before he received the Republican nomination, way back in a nearly bygone era -- the summer of 2000. Since 9/11 the Bush administration has shown no concern about how to protect our country from another attack. We know this not only because our ports have never been secured but even more important: there's never been an effort to secure them properly. There has been an effort to outsource port security to a foreign country, but that's another story. And even more significantly, we know it because the Bush administration, and especially Bush himself, have done everything in their power to impede investigation of the events of that day.

TIME gets some of the others talking by spinning towards a more comfortable meme.
TIME: What about the sense of unfinished business on the part of the Bush family?

SUSKIND: From the first National Security Council meeting in 2001, in January, there was ardor. Now some people say it wasn't a war plan. But what's indisputable is that there was discussion about [how] the primary mission of U.S. policy would be to oust Saddam Hussein. It became the stuff of action plans from the very start. In terms of [Donald] Rumsfeld and [Dick] Cheney, there's a sense of regret that it wasn't done before. The mission was Iraq from the beginning.

RICKS: I totally disagree with you. I don't think that there was a Bush Administration plan to invade Iraq at the time they came into office. For the first year, they were more or less focused on improving containment: How do we sharpen policy against Iraq? It wasn't until 9/11 that you get that really sharp break where they say, O.K., let's invade this place.

WRIGHT: They saw this as a political opportunity that would never come around again. If they wanted to put that plan into action, this was the moment. There wasn't going to be another one.
Score three points each for for SUSKIND ("The mission was Iraq from the beginning.") and WRIGHT ("They saw this as a political opportunity") and minus five for RICKS ("It wasn't until 9/11 that you get that really sharp break where they say, O.K., let's invade this place.")

This particular argument from RICKS proves nothing, of course, and is therefore all spin. They didn't have the political room to maneuver before 9/11. That's the whole point. That's what 9/11 was about ... er ... that's one of the things that 9/11 was about. So RICKS joins TRAINOR at -5; SUSKIND and WRIGHT have +3 each.

RICKS -5
TRAINOR -5
GORDON 0
WOODWARD 0
SUSKIND 3
WRIGHT 3

Notice how TIME puts the cart before the horse on the next question:
TIME: Did the failure to capture Osama bin Laden play a role in the decision to go to war?

GORDON: I was at Tora Bora at that point, in December '01. The desire to have a war plan for Iraq has already been telegraphed to [General] Tommy Franks at Centcom. Franks is actually struggling with Tora Bora, with his unhappiness with the results in Afghanistan, just as he is on the eve of returning for a very important meeting at Crawford with the President. I think they made a very quick decision that in principle Iraq was next on the agenda.

WRIGHT: Al-Qaeda essentially was dead after December 2001. The war on terror, you know, had succeeded. [If we had] captured the leaders, I think people would've felt a sense of finality and might not have had that impulse to roll into Iraq. I'm not sure [the Administration] would have had the public support.
Truth points for both GORDON and WRIGHT on this one. Kudos to WRIGHT who is clearly trying to counter TIME's spin; his points are particularly well-deserved.

RICKS -5
TRAINOR -5
WOODWARD 0
SUSKIND 3
GORDON 3
WRIGHT 6
TIME: Given the strategic importance of the Middle East, why hasn't U.S. intelligence about the region been better?

WRIGHT: Because we haven't hired the people that have the skills to understand that region. There's an outright prejudice against people who natively speak Arabic, Pashtu, Dari. They are invited not to apply. The FBI says that there are 25 Arabic speakers [in the FBI], but they send them off to [class] for nine weeks, and at the end of that time they can order breakfast in Arabic. But they cannot interrogate a suspect. They don't know anything about the culture.

But this is completely unnecessary. We have a country that's full of immigrant groups that represent those areas. One thing that every American should be more aware of is, it's not the contact-lens solution that we surrender at the airport that makes [us] safer. It's the fact that our Muslim and Arab communities are much more integrated into American life than they are elsewhere, especially in Europe.

WOODWARD: What is central is that before we went into Iraq in March of 2003, somebody should have just asked the basic questions, Do we know anything about this country? Do we have intelligence sources? Do we have open sources? The level of ignorance was pathetic.

RICKS: A lot of people were saying that this is going to be harder than you think. But that advice was systematically excluded. It was aggressively not welcome in the inner circle.

GORDON: I went through rather laboriously this Future of Iraq study by the State Department, which was on a CD. I thought it was an extremely thin document. I didn't think it was anything remotely like a plan for the postwar.
This is question is too easy but the answers all come out on the plus side.

TRAINOR -5
RICKS -2
WOODWARD 3
SUSKIND 3
GORDON 6
WRIGHT 9
TIME: On the eve of the war, which of you believed that we would go in and find no WMD? Two out of six. Why did you feel that way, Tom?

RICKS: I thought that at most they would find some old mustard gas buried out in the '91 war that somebody had forgotten about. I remember asking the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs about a week before the invasion, "You don't know where the stuff is, do you?" And he said, "No, but I'm confident the Iraqis will tell us."

SUSKIND: I was sitting with [former Treasury Secretary] Paul O'Neill on the balcony of his condominium at the Watergate a week before the invasion, and he said two things. One is, "Trust me, they haven't thought this through." And second is, "I don't believe there is any evidence, any objective sources to credit as evidence in terms of WMD."

WOODWARD: I talked to people who said, The evidence is much skimpier than what they are saying. And we played around with writing a story about this and did not, and it's one of my regrets. We should've all been much more aggressive. It's an intelligence failure, it's a policy failure, it is a journalistic failure. Tom Ricks and I work at the same newspaper. If you had these doubts, which I was not aware of contemporaneously, we should have found some way to get out and say, "What do we really know here?" We can and should at least put the burden on ourselves to be one step ahead on this, and we were not.
What have we here? Points for RICKS and SUSKIND, with WOODWARD trying to bore in on some of the action? Oh, we should have done this, we should have done that; but you didn't, did you?

Sorry. Nothing for Mr. WOODWARD on this one.

TRAINOR -5
RICKS 1
WOODWARD 3
SUSKIND 6
GORDON 6
WRIGHT 9
TIME: Bob, you yourself got some criticism for your first two books for allegedly being too sympathetic to the Bush Administration. But State of Denial is a very tough look at the situation now. Would you say that you are overcompensating?

WOODWARD: You know, the books speak for themselves, and it was the New York Times that on the second volume ran two front-page stories saying that the book had jolted the White House. My best recollection is the White House is not jolted with something that is a sympathetic portrait.

TRAINOR: We have to make a distinction when you talk about WMD. We were concerned in terms of operations and tactics about chemicals and biologicals, but not nuclear.

GORDON: The military very much had the expectation that not only would it find WMD but it would encounter the use of WMD. One reason the Marines maneuvered the way they did around the battlefield was to stay outside the range of the artillery that they were told was chemical artillery.

RICKS: It's also important to remember though that Dick Cheney in August 2002 got up at the VFW Convention in Nashville and said, "There is no doubt." Which is to say 100% certainty, and I think that had enormous influence inside the military, inside the intelligence community and even to an extent on journalists. When the Vice President says, "I know for a fact," a lot of people in the military said, "He must know something that I don't know."

SUSKIND: And that evidence would often not be available. This is what Cheney said over and over, that evidence as we have defined it up to now may be too high a bar. When someone offers a doubt, Cheney slaps them down.

TRAINOR: I think Cheney was kind of the Cardinal Richelieu in this whole thing. And he was feeding a predisposition that the President had.
Notice how nobody answered the question? There's no score for anybody. TRAINOR narrowly escaped a penalty for attempting to misdirect the discussion.

TRAINOR -5
RICKS 1
WOODWARD 3
SUSKIND 6
GORDON 6
WRIGHT 9
TIME: When it comes to war planning, military commanders are told to prepare for the worst. Why was hope such an important part of the tool kit this time?

GORDON: Well, they in fact prepared for the worst. But they were very much fighting the last war. I mean, they were worried the oil fields would be set on fire. Why? Because Saddam had set the Kuwaiti oil fields on fire. So they entered the situation prepared for all the things that didn't happen and not the things that did.

RICKS: A phrase that came to haunt me in the research for my book was [Deputy Defense Secretary Paul] Wolfowitz's "hard to imagine." It turned out that, yeah, it was the imagination. Wolfowitz said it was hard to imagine that you'd need that many more troops for an occupation than for an invasion.

WOODWARD: I think it's impossible to overemphasize the role of Rumsfeld in all of this. The more you look at it, you discover that even some rather independent-minded, smart people didn't realize they were being co-opted into the vision he had of this war.

SUSKIND: It was a sales job — it wasn't an analysis job. There was so much emphasis on how to sell it that they ended up essentially not doing the basic due diligence.

GORDON: There is another factor here we need to recognize, which is that the Administration took office with a very set view on nation building. One month before the war, Rumsfeld gave a speech in New York City called "Beyond Nation Building." We weren't going to go in with lots of troops. We weren't going to take over responsibility for administering the country, because this would create an unhealthy dependence on the part of that population. Basically, they were going to practice a sort of tough-love philosophy of postwar management. So it wasn't that they lacked a plan. It was that they had a bad plan. And they looked to Afghanistan, where they had applied this, and they mistakenly saw what happened in Afghanistan as a validation of this philosophy.
Points for SUSKIND. Deductions for everybody else on this one. Only one deduction for GORDON, even though he spoke twice. 'Tis the season.

TRAINOR -5
RICKS -4
WOODWARD -2
GORDON 1
WRIGHT 9
SUSKIND 9
TIME: Bob, you have experience covering several administrations. How is this one different in terms of decision making?

WOODWARD: You can't help but look back at Clinton's famous late nights at the dorm when he would pick through details and ask questions and keep people well past midnight. It probably wouldn't have hurt to have had a little bit of that here at the table. And if you look at Bush, he's kind of, you know, meeting starts at 9, the meeting is over at 10. That's it.
Ka-CHING! The meetings are only about informing others of decisions that have already been made. It's tough to justify awarding WOODWARD points for a question on which the others were excluded, but there it is.

TRAINOR -5
RICKS -4
GORDON 1
WOODWARD 1
WRIGHT 9
SUSKIND 9
TIME: Once the Saddam statue fell, what was the first inkling you had that something was going astray?

WRIGHT: I was teaching these young journalists in Saudi Arabia when the war happened. And I had been watching the war on Fox and al-Jazeera. The war on Fox was one of "America's liberation." And on al-Jazeera, it was all a narrative of humiliation and surrender. They covered the end of the war with a documentary about the Ku Klux Klan, followed by a documentary about Hiroshima.

GORDON: In April 2003 I was with the 2nd Brigade Combat Team. They were due to go home, because on April 16, 2003, Tommy Franks had flown to Baghdad and given his commanders instructions to prepare to withdraw all but one division�plus by September 2003. Bush had declared an end to major combat operations. So they thought they were going home. A guy I was living with said goodbye to me and said he was flying back. Then I woke up the next morning, and he was still there. And I said, "What happened?" He said, "I went out to the tarmac, they turned me around. We're not going home."
WRIGHT doesn't come near answering the question, and his use of the phrase "the end of the war" is grounds for a five-point penalty; GORDON scores three for "We're not going home".

TRAINOR -5
RICKS -4
WOODWARD 1
GORDON 4
WRIGHT 4
SUSKIND 9
TIME: Where there was a sense that things weren't working, why did that not filter up?

RICKS: Because I think in the fall of 2003, when it was clear there was an insurgency emerging, the U.S. military did what it knew how to do, which is battalion- or brigade-size operations, and because there was no strategic oversight. Division commanders sort of operated on their own, and they were told, Get your area of operations quiet. Well, what's the fastest way to get your area of operations quiet? It's to ship out military-age males and get them off your area of operations. If they're at Abu Ghraib, they're not your problem anymore. They are somebody else's problem.

SUSKIND: Does anyone here have any specific evidence of the President being involved directly, being presented with choices and consequences about the disbanding of the Iraqi army?

WOODWARD: No, it didn't happen. In fact, what they did is contrary to the briefings [Bush] received before the war.

RICKS: That's actually one of the things in the books — I was struck by the absence of the President. He should be a central figure in decision making. And again and again, there's never any one key meeting. For example, the actual decision to go to war doesn't seem to ever have been [made at] a meeting in which people formally sat down and said, "Do we all agree?"

SUSKIND: Often the briefing ends with the Vice President — the let's-get-down-to-brass-tacks briefing. How can a President not be involved in decisions upon which so many lives depend? That's an enormous question here. At day's end, history will point to the character of the President. That's the way it boils down.

WOODWARD: But there's an intervening moment, which is the moment we are living in now. And that is the question of his moral authority as a leader. And he teeters on the edge, quite frankly, of losing that moral authority. I've discussed this with him, years back, about a President being the voice of realism. And in this whole story, he's been the cheerleader.

I think there's something important we haven't talked about, which is, What about the troops over there in Iraq? What about the people who are executing this policy? They really are not being told what they are doing. There is this resilience on one hand and at the same time a kind of despair that is very haunting when you hear it from somebody on the ground. As a country, we owe them everything, but they have not got it. It is almost a war without a home front. Taxes are down, everyone's buying, Christmas is coming. There is a sense almost that we're not at war. I can't explain that phenomenon, but I find it deeply troubling.

TRAINOR: I think your use of the term despair is much too strong. I think what they are sensing out there is a sense of frustration. They are all very well trained and very well motivated. I mean, it's amazing that the morale is as high as it is.

WOODWARD: Sometimes despair is private.
There's a five-point penalty for TRAINOR on his objection to the word "despair"; but points to WOODWARD, SUSKIND and RICKS for their contributions here, and the final scores are:

TRAINOR -10
RICKS -1
GORDON 4
WRIGHT 4
WOODWARD 4
SUSKIND 12

And the final decision:

Lieut. General Bernard TRAINOR spins 'em almost as well as the "moderators" from TIME and will be invited back early and often. RICKS may get a phone call once in a while; GORDON, WRIGHT and/or WOODWARD could be brought back to play the token (soft) (and/or faux) opposition, if we ever need more of that again. And please tell Mr. SUSKIND we wish him well with his book. Then get him out of here as fast as you can.

If I had to choose one of the books mentioned here, it would be "The One Percent Doctrine" by Ron Suskind.